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- INTERVIEW, Page 6A Rogue, Yes, but With Great Vision
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- Historian ROBERT DALLEK, author of a new biography, argues that
- Lyndon Johnson deserves far more credit than he is usually given
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- By JAMES WILLWERTH and Robert Dallek
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-
- Q. Your book, Lone Star Rising: Lyndon Johnson and His
- Times, 1908-1960, follows a bitter controversy over biographer
- Robert Caro's dramatically negative view of Johnson. How do you
- differ with Caro's view of Lyndon Johnson as an amoral
- opportunist?
-
- A. Mr. Caro sees Johnson as an utterly unprincipled man.
- The view is unrelenting. He believes Johnson wasn't a committed
- New Dealer but an opportunist who supported Roosevelt to get
- elected. Johnson is a monster. I don't agree. I see what the
- French call a monstre sacre [holy monster]. Johnson was a
- scoundrel. He broke laws at every level of politics and once
- even had sex with a White House secretary on her desk. But he
- was also a brilliant politician and a visionary who married his
- ambition to his country's interests.
-
-
- Q. But Caro describes "two threads, bright and dark,
- [that] run side by side" through Johnson's life. Isn't he
- calling him a sacred monster too?
-
- A. If you read both [of Caro's] volumes, you'll find it
- very difficult to locate the bright thread.
-
-
- Q. What bright threads do you find?
-
- A. Primarily, Johnson's extraordinary vision. Early on, he
- understood that his native South must join the mainstream of
- American life. Racial segregation, he realized, also segregated
- the South [from the rest of the U.S.]. Johnson's role in the
- South's development was historically important.
-
-
- Q. If he was such a visionary, why as a Congressman did he
- support poll taxes and vote against antilynching laws?
-
- A. Otherwise he couldn't have stayed in office. But a
- different Johnson worked behind the scenes. As head of the
- National Youth Administration in Texas in the 1930s, he stayed
- overnight at black colleges to see NYA programs at work. If that
- had been known, he couldn't have been elected to Congress. Once
- there, he raised what one Washington bureaucrat called
- "unshirted hell" because black farmers in his district weren't
- getting federal loans equal to those offered white farmers. When
- he brought public housing to Austin, he insisted that the units
- be opened to blacks and Latinos.
-
-
- Q. And what else did you discover?
-
- A. During 1938 and 1939, Johnson secretly helped Jewish
- refugees from Europe enter the U.S., through Galveston. I don't
- know of any other Congressman who did that. Out of 400,000
- constituents, his district had only 400 Jewish voters. Something
- deep in this man's psyche, probably harking back to his Texas
- hill-country boyhood, made him identify with the underdog.
-
-
- Q. If this is a "balanced" portrait, surely not all of
- what you found was positive.
-
- A. During the 1937 congressional election campaign,
- Johnson's group probably paid $5,000 to Elliott Roosevelt, one
- of Franklin Roosevelt's sons, for a telegram in which Elliott
- suggested that the Roosevelt family favored Lyndon Johnson. I
- found this in an oral history from one of Johnson's opponents,
- Polk Shelton, who was offered the same, but declined.
-
-
- Q. Anything else?
-
- A. Johnson insisted that he built up his Texas radio and
- television empire without back-room help from the Federal
- Communications Commission. That's a blatant lie. When New Deal
- loyalists Lyndon and Lady Bird Johnson wanted to buy their first
- Austin station, KTBC, the FCC had been blocking a conservative
- Austin publisher from purchasing it. The Johnsons were quickly
- approved. In later years, FBI wiretaps show Johnson talking to
- political fixer Tommy Corcoran about seeing this or that FCC
- commissioner on his behalf. Other Texas cities of similar size
- eventually had two or three tele vision stations. For decades,
- the Johnsons' single Austin station never had a competitor.
-
-
- Q. You and Robert Caro disagree dramatically in your
- accounts of Johnson's 1948 Senate race against former Texas
- Governor Coke Stevenson, a crucial moment in Johnson's political
- career. Why?
-
- A. Mr. Caro sees Stevenson as a man of absolute integrity,
- which makes Johnson's vote stealing even more unsavory. My
- research shows that Stevenson had a long history of manipulating
- votes. He and others helped Texas Governor "Pappy" O'Daniel
- change more than 6,000 votes in East Texas to frustrate
- Johnson's first try for the Senate in 1941. Stevenson was a
- reactionary and a racist, hardly a saint.
-
-
- Q. Considering all the lawbreaking involved, was it worth
- getting Lyndon Johnson to the Senate and eventually to its
- leadership?
-
- A. I think he was the greatest Senate majority leader in
- history. His personal power made the position important. The
- Johnson "treatment" is legendary. He'd back you into the corner,
- press his nose against yours, tower over you, put his arm around
- you. He also understood when to speed up or slow down debate,
- when to settle things in a back room. He knew what each Senator
- liked to eat and drink, needed polit ically, wanted personally.
- He changed the seniority rules and provided choice assignments
- to younger Senators. That was good for the Senate, and it
- obligated them to him. He brought vision to the job. He helped
- create NASA to keep the space program away from interservice
- military rivalry. There's no better example of his vision than
- the 1957 civil rights law. People have said it was more symbolic
- than substantive, which is true. But Johnson understood that
- symbolism had to precede substantive change. We hadn't had a
- major civil rights bill since 1875. This opened the door.
-
-
- Q. What about Johnson's presidential ambitions?
-
- A. One striking revelation I've come across is that Joe
- Kennedy sent Tommy Corcoran to Texas in 1955 to ask if Johnson
- would be willing to try for the presidency in 1956 with Jack
- Kennedy as his running mate. The Kennedys would provide the
- funds. Johnson turned it down flat. He knew the Kennedys hoped
- only for a respectable loss that would neutralize the Democratic
- Party's worries about Kennedy's Catholicism. It would be the end
- of Johnson's presidential ambitions. When Bobby Kennedy heard
- that Johnson had refused, he threw a fit. I think this was the
- beginning of the Bobby Kennedy-Lyndon Johnson feud.
-
-
- Q. If Johnson had such fierce presidential ambitions, why
- did he give up his powerful Senate position for the powerless
- vice presidency?
-
- A. He felt his power ebbing in the Senate. Liberal
- Senators were coming in who resisted him. He thought he could
- change the vice presidency as he'd changed everything else in
- his career. He'd make it more important than it had been.
-
-
- Q. Where do you rank Johnson historically?
-
- A. I consider him a near great President, on a level with
- Truman. His vision of American domestic life approaches
- greatness. Johnson also had profound flaws. Examining his
- failure in Vietnam will be the task of my second volume.
-
-
- Q. How do you feel about Johnson personally?
-
- A. One doesn't simply write about Lyndon Johnson. You get
- the Johnson treatment from beyond the grave -- arm around you,
- nose to nose. I should admit that he also reminds me of my
- father, quite an overbearing and narcissistic character. And in
- some ways, he reminds me of myself. Another workaholic.
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